Introduction #
As construction nears for the Bottineau Light Rail Transit (Blue Line Extension) in Brooklyn Park, major questions exist as to first- and last-mile access to the new transit line for residents and businesses in the city. Shared-use mobility, with solutions such as ride-sharing and bike-sharing, is one possible way to address this last-mile problem equitably for all income levels.
It also provides a more space- and cost-efficient alternative to conventional park and rides. In conjunction with groups examining existing models of shared-use mobility and a group working on public engagement, our group will be examining existing public data to make recommendations on where shared-use mobility solutions are most needed, and where they might be most viable.
Infrastructure #
We cataloged existing infrastructure in Brooklyn Park, with a particular eye toward bikeability and the local transit network. With the Blue Line Extension planned, the question is how users of the line can get to destinations within Brooklyn Park. The existing infrastructure informs those answers, by showing how feasible different alternatives are.
Existing transit systems
Existing bus lines within Brooklyn Park are primarily rush hour-serving commuter lines. More all-day transit options exist in the southwestern quadrant of the city, but there is no consistent system to provide access to and from future Blue Line stations.
Bicycle systems
The network of bikeways in Brooklyn Park is dispersed, mainly to major roadways. Although future bike routes are planned intersecting several of the Blue Line stations, there are no current connections at any of the station sites. There are some existing bike routes on parallel routes, but the lack of direct access and a consistent network led us to believe that bicycling would be a poor option for last-mile access for the majority of transit users.
Infrastructure overall
This map overlays bicycle and the existing transit network together. It also emphasizes another barrier for Brooklyn Park: a heavily dispersed grid. This makes walking and biking less feasible, because many local streets don't connect. It may also increase the cost of ride-hailing (discussed further below).
Transit Travel Patterns #
We looked specifically at the transit travel patterns of the existing bus network.
Commute frequency
This map illustrates total boardings and alightings (combined) at the existing transit stops in Brooklyn Park. The vast majority of the stops are very low (less than 10), with a handful of concentrations at transit centers. The following scale was used:
- 0: Zero
- 0-10: Very Low
- 10-50: Low
- 50-100: High
- >100: Very High
Boarding and planned Blue Line stations
To get a sense of future ridership that might be able to access Blue Line stations by transit, we ranked the future stations by the boardings on the existing bus network.
We found that the highest concentration was likely to be at Brooklyn Boulevard Station, and the lowest at 63rd Avenue Station.
Demographics and Shared-Use Mobility #
Our look into the existing transit and bicycle systems led us to believe that the most feasible last-mile solution to serve Brooklyn Park was with ride-hailing services. However, demographic characteristics affect ride-hailing usage significantly. Without local statistics on factors relating to ride-hailing, we instead turned to national sources on access to credit cards and smartphones — the two biggest barriers to using ride-hailing.
We can't know how applicable the national data is to Brooklyn Park. However, we were able to identify census tracts where the demographic breakdown (by race, education, or income) could be associated with barriers to shared-use mobility.
Credit Card Access by Income
According to Federal Reserve, as of 2015, 41% of households making less than $40,000 a year do not have a credit card. Although we cannot be certain Brooklyn Park reflects that proportion, we can see where households in that income level are concentrated — primarily in the southwestern quadrant of the city.
Smartphone Access by Income
Income also affects smartphone access — both ownership of a physical device capable of using ride-hailing apps, as well as ongoing ability to maintain a data plan that makes using such apps reliable. According to the Pew Research Center, 50% of households making less than $30,000 a year do not have access to a smartphone. Again, we do not know how many individual BP households have that income level, but we can visualize what census tracts have median incomes at or below that level. In this case, there are only three tracts, again near Brooklyn Blvd and Bottineau Blvd.
Smartphone Access by Race
The Pew Research Center also found that non-Hispanic Whites are less likely to own a smartphone than non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics. But Blacks and Hispanics are more likely to have canceled service due to the financial burden of ownership.
The spatial pattern here is the inverse of the previous two maps. Non-Hispanic white residents are primarily in the northern and eastern parts of the city.
Ride-hailing usage
Although the previous gaps identify barriers that would affect ride-hailing usage, Pew has also done research into existing ride-hailing users. According to their 2016 report, those using ride-hailing apps are more likely to be:
- Younger (28% of 18-29 vs. 4% of 65+)
- College Grads (29% of college grads vs. 6% of high school grads or less)
- Wealthier (26% of $75,000+ income vs. 10% of $30,000 or less income)
- Urban (21% of urban vs. 15% suburban vs. 3% rural)
Specific Ride-Hailing Services #
Finally, we looked at specific ride-hailing services to show how they might work for Brooklyn Park, and the approximate cost and practical burden their use would pose.
Because Brooklyn Park is outside Lyft's existing service area, we considered only Uber for further analysis.
Lyft
Uber
Wait times
Because data was not available from Uber directly, we manually measured wait times at three Blue Line station locations. Although the average wait time seemed acceptable, variability was very high due to a fairly low number of drivers in the area.
Broadway & 93rd
- Average wait: 9.7 minutes
- Max wait: 17 minutes
- Min wait: 6 minutes
Broadway & 85th
- Average wait: 8.4 minutes
- Max wait: 12 minutes
- Min wait: 4 minutes
Fares
Uber's base fare is approximately $6.05, calculated mainly on distance, and partially on fixed fees and fees per minute. By our estimation, trips within two miles within Brooklyn Park tended to fall under the base fare, while the base fare was generally exceeded when going over two miles.
We visualized 1-, 2-, and 3-mile buffers from future Blue Line stations. (Note: these buffers are based on geographic distance, and would be more limited in network distance.)
Note on surge pricing
Unlike transit or conventional taxis, Uber relies on a system called surge pricing to balance demand and supply of their system. This means that the prices described are minimum costs, but could increase significantly for short periods of time when demand outpaces supply. This could pose a barrier to reliability of this system, especially for low-income users.
Conclusion & Key Findings #
Our key findings for last-mile transit access in Brooklyn Park fall into three categories:
Modes
Brooklyn Park's current road network and dispersed bike infrastructure make bicycling an impractical last-mile solution in the near term. Ride-hailing is the most obviously viable solution now.
Demographic barriers
Not all users have equal access to ride-hailing services, and Brooklyn Park has concentrations of those demographic groups who may be less likely to be able to use some services
Cost of use
The cost using Uber is significant compared to transit, but may be acceptable with subsidies. Much of Brooklyn Park is covered within Uber's minimum fare from the stations, but wait time and cost may vary significantly from trip to trip.